This thesis investigates the comprehension of resumptive relative clauses in Brazilian Portuguese. The study seeks to reconcile a linguistic theory grounded in generativism and language processing. Generativism-guided studies based mainly on acceptability judgment tasks support that resumptive pronouns have cost at the interfaces (pronouns as last resource strategy - ROSS, 1967; SELLS, 1984; SHLONSKY, 1992; HORNSTEIN, 2001; GROLLA, 2005). From the point of view of processing, its occurrence is related to non-planned situations (FERREIRA e SWETS, 2005; CORRÊA et al., 2018) and to high-cost contexts, being licensed in whenever the antecedent less accessible (ARIEL, 1999), when distance between the anaphoric element and its antecedent is too long, syntactic position of the anaphoric element, the nature and features of the antecedent etc. In Brazilian Portuguese, resumptive pronouns remain a marginal structure, although they are licensed in different syntactic positions (TARALLO, 1988; LESSA DE OLIVEIRA, 2008,2009; RIBEIRO, 2009; MIRANDA, 2005). We intend to investigate, through an experimental methodology, the possible costs of resumptives related to comprehension. We conducted four experiments: two acceptability judgment tasks, and two self-paced listening tasks. In the first one, it was contrasted the acceptability of standard vs resumptive strategies in subject position and in other more complex positions (direct object, prepositional object, and genitive) in which there is always an intervening element (FRIEDMANN, BELLETTI e RIZZI, 2009). In the second experiment, the acceptability of standard, chopped and resumptive relatives in oblique and genitive positions was evaluated. The results showed a preference for the standard strategy. Resumptives were highly rejected in subject position and had quite spread values through the scale in the other examined positions. The third and fourth experiments evaluated the comprehension process of standard and resumptive relatives (experiment 3) and of chopped and resumptive relatives (experiment 4), according to the syntactic position of the pronoun/gap and to the linear distance (short, middle, long) between the coreferent elements. In these two experiments, it was observed that resumptive pronouns seem to make processing faster when additional cost factors are added (intervention effects and linear distance). In the subject position, in which there is no intervention effect, resumptives made processing easier in long distance contexts. This result is in accordance with corpora studies (MOLLICA, 2003) and with the accessibility principle (ARIEL, 1999). In the direct object position, it was found significative results on short and long distance. In oblique and genitive positions, resumptive relatives have shorter listening times than chopped relatives, and as linear distance increases, the processing of resumptive relatives become faster than that of chopped ones. Taken together the experiments show that, despite resumptives being less acceptable than standard strategy, they do not compromise the process of comprehension, being able to act as a facilitator element in high-demand situations, in terms of linear distance and little accessibility of the antecedent.