The response that the state of Rio de Janeiro offers to society in order to alleviate the sense of fear regarding violence in this state, particularly in the capital and metropolitan region, is fundamentally structured around a repressive and militarized approach to crimes related to the internal drug trade, and the choice of the idealized figure of the drug dealer as the main enemy of society in Rio de Janeiro. This approach, in a society that has been racially structured since colonialism, ends up causing confusion between the stereotyped figure of the young Black man — still sub-humanized after centuries of prejudice and exclusion — and that of the perpetrator of crimes associated with the internal drug trade. The implementation of this policy, initially carried out by the police agencies in practice, enters the justice system through the actions of the Public Prosecutor s Office of the State of Rio de Janeiro and permeates the local Judiciary, causing both institutions to fail in their constitutional mission to ensure substantial equality for the recipients of their services. However, more than simply failing, the justice system ends up exacerbating historical inequalities through institutional structures, which are also racially organized, as well as through the automatic identification of the interests of the members of these institutions with whiteness and the pacts aimed at maintaining and perpetuating their privileges. In this dissertation, I present a set of data produced by the Public Defender s Office of the State of Rio de Janeiro and the Group for the Study of New Illegalisms at the Fluminense Federal University, which demonstrate both the racial profile of the incarcerated individuals and the overvaluation that the justice system places on the testimony of police officers in the context of the anti-drug trafficking policy. Furthermore, based on the analysis of data collected in the empirical part of this work — 38 cases that began in 2023 in one of the four criminal courts with jurisdiction over the processing of the first phase of intentional crimes against life committed in the state capital —, I seek to prove how whiteness unites police institutions and the justice system, also in regard to the use of state violence and its consequences, treating individuals who engage in similar conduct in diverse ways, which ultimately legitimizes the police barbarism committed daily against a group of people who share the same racial-ethnic profile.