This research approaches the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations from a different angle than the one(s) usually employed by the Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) literature. This topic has been gaining increasing attention over the last few decades: while, for a long time, it was seen solely as a source of disturbance in the way of achieving political settlement, including societies is slowly becoming accepted as a necessary disturbance in the construction of legitimate agreements and durable peace. The discomfort that motivates this investigation stems from the frequent depoliticization and instrumentalization of inclusion in the context of peace negotiation and mediation. Inclusion is often treated as a benign entity aimed at cultivating legitimacy for a new political system, while its inherent political nature – the political articulations, disputes and exclusions it involves – receive little attention. It tends, therefore, to treat both the peace process and the political system under negotiation as a given, neutralizing the disputes and exclusions that are renewed or created by the political reinvention involved in a peace process. This discussion is by no means dispensable if one wants to reflect on long-term peacebuilding and conflict prevention, or even on political inclusion in general and the current crisis experienced by representative democracy. In an effort to politicize this discussion, the dissertation dissects the idea of inclusion in peace processes by analyzing it through the conceptual lens of political representation. As opposed to our contemporary tendency of considering representation merely the punctual product of periodic elections, here the concept is taken in a critical and expanded interpretation, considered in the context of its current dilemmas and its complex relationship with political participation, particularly in light of feminist democratic theory. Beyond elections and formal authorization, the research considers political representation to be possible and present in situations other than usual institutionalized settings, such as peace negotiations. A twofold strategy is thus pursued in order to address this discomfort: one, a theoretical discussion of the existing literature on inclusion, which is re-read through its interpretation as a matter of political representation; and two, an empirical observation of this debate in the context of the Colombian case, more specifically the role of women in the Havana dialogues between the government and the FARC-EP (2012-2016). This part is based both on available documentation (official declarations and reports, the peace agreements, media material, civil society reports) and fieldwork conducted in Bogotá in November 2018.